The story

Vetulonia Timeline



Lictor

The Roman lictor (from ligare, meaning “to bind”) was a lower civil servant who initially preceded kings (rex) Roman, and then some senior officials and emperors. In fact, his role was to protect important figures in Rome who held imperium, or military, civil and religious powers. Empire was owned by the following officials: dictator, consuls and praetors . In the case of the dictator, it was summum empire, ie unlimited power, the consul had the so-called imperium maius (greater authority), while the praetor had the so-called imperium minus (lesser authority). People who owned the empire had the right to sit on the curule chair and use the lictors escort. The number of lictors and the rods held by them indicated the extent of the official’s power.


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Vetulonia Timeline - History

Tuscany, Birthplace of the fasces, Inspiring the NWO?

High strangeness by Capt. wardrobe


They were entirely made of metal, the ax had two blades, and finally: the Etruscan fasces were extremely small. It has been said that the find from Vetulonia is only a miniature model, but this is poor method: to rescue an interpretation, one introduces a hypothesis. Of course, doubts about this find do not prove that the fasces did not come from Etruria. One argument for this tradition is that the least unconvincing etymology of the word lictor is that it is derived from a Etruscan word that means "royal". fasces

The ancient Greek historian Herodotus suggested in his book The Histories that the Etruscans immigrated from the small country of Lydia in Asia Minor. Although another Greek historian, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, believed that the Etruscans were indigenous people, the Roman historian Livy and the Greek historian Polybius agreed with Herodotus.


1937 - Tripoli: Mussolini between the lictor's fasces, gives a speech directed to all Muslims of Libya source

Fascism went by many names in many different countries: the National Socialist German Workers (Nazi) Party in Germany, the Legion of the Archangel Michael (Iron Guard) in Romania, the Arrow Cross in Hungary, the Ustasha in Croatia, the Falange in Spain. Regardless of the name, all fascist parties shared a similar ideology.

Fascism takes it name from the symbol of the Italian Fascist Party, the fasces.

Like the swastika, the fasces had a long and honorable history before it was appropriated by Mussolini and his fascist thugs. Three fasces appear on the 10-centesimo dark green Fascist Emblem of the New Government stamp, Italy Scott 159, shown in Figure 2, which was issued to mark the first anniversary of Mussolini's seizure of power in 1922.

The fasces is a bundle of rods and among them an ax with a projecting blade. The fasces was a symbol of the Roman republic that embodied strength in unity. Individually, the rods and ax handle could be broken. Bound together, they were unbreakable.


Hitler


Mussolini


Bush Junta


Washington leans on a fasces

Lincoln has two on the arms of his chair

the great seal- the eagles hold represents a fasces

National Guard- criss crossed

either side of the flag on the five dollar bit

The cold war- related? Gladio- double edged sword

Nato stay behind operation - the secret fascism

". secret armies were formed in France, Belgium, the Netherlands and West Germany- often directed, quite naturally, by former SS officers. They didn't just wait around for the Russians to come marching in they assembled huge arms caches (many of which remain unaccounted for), compiled blacklists of leftists and, in France, participated in plots to assassinate President DeGaulle."
The CIAs Greatest Hits

Italy was not alone in having covert "stay behind" units in operation. The operation encompassed all of western Europe. In France the unit was called "Glaive" - again named after a Gladiatorial sword. Austria's unit was named "Schwert," also meaning sword. In Turkey the unit was named "Red Sheepskin" and in Greece "Sheepskin." Sweden's unit was called "Sveaborg." In Switzerland it went by the title P26. Other units in Holland, Belgium, Spain, Portugal, Germany, Norway, Luxembourg, Denmark and Holland remain unnamed. Not least, the United Kingdom's unit was simply known as "Stay Behind."

Information that surfaced in recent years suggests that the "Stay Behind" concept first arose in Britain. Senior military sources told the Guardian newspaper in December 1990, that a British guerrilla network was already in place following the fall of France in 1940. Numerous arm "caches" were buried for later use by a special forces ski battalion of the Scots Guards under the leadership of Brigadier "Mad Mike" Calvert. After the war, the decision was taken to create new units throughout Europe. The plan was conceived by the US Joint Chiefs of Staff and spearheaded by the newly formed CIA.
Operation Gladio

Recruited Mussolini's ex-police into paramilitary bands secretly financed and trained by the CIA, ostensibly to fight Soviets, but really to conduct terror attacks blamed on the left.

Employed the gamut of psychological warfare tactics, including paying millions in slush funds to political parties, journalists, and other influential contacts to tilt parliamentary elections against the left.

Created a secret service and a parallel government structure linked to the CIA whose ``assets'' attempted several times to overthrow the elected government.

and Targeted Prime Minister Aldo Moro, who was later kidnapped and murdered under mysterious circumstances after offering to bring communists into the Cabinet.
architecture of modern political power

* = Alan & John Foster Dulles - Cromwell & Sullivan -
Brown Bros Harrimen - Prescott Bush - Skull & Bones - CIA - US military Junta

"Some Americans were just bigots and made their connections to Germany through Allen Dulles's firm of Sullivan and Cromwell because they supported Fascism. The Dulles brothers, who were in it for profit more than ideology, arranged American investments in Nazi Germany in the 1930s to ensure that their clients did well out of the German economic recovery."
nazis in the attic

America first family and some of their choice friends

198th MILITARY POLICE BATTALION-Kentucky Army National Guard

The fasces, an ancient badge of authority used by Roman magistrates, symbolizes the enforcement of law and order and the maintenance of high disciplinary standards, the basic mission of the organization. The arrowhead and the colors blue, white, and red of the Philippine Presidential Unit Citation commemorate the unit's service as an artillery organization in the Pacific Theater during World War II. Yellow and red are colors of the national flag of South Vietnam and refer to service in that country.

MOTTO: "SERVICE INTEGRITY HONOR".

Design approved: 21 May 1976.

1 Border design based on the fasces, or ancient Roman symbol of authority.
2 Designation of rank.
3 Rays of a setting sun represent a West Coast location.
4 Replica of City Hall with three symbolic characteristics: Towers rising lines depict the untiring and unyielding spirit of the Citys founders the flanking wings represent the expansive growth from the first "El Pueblo" the broad base signifies the Citys firm foundation.
5 The City Seal depicts: the Citys history through Spanish, Mexican, autonomous and United States control its site as a prolific garden spot and the early influence of the mission padres.
6 Designation of city and department.
7 Oval shape, unique in badge design when adopted in 1940.
8 Badge number or symbol of rank.
LA police dept.

Is this really appropriate for a modern society?

Even if the symbol of the fasces is used just to symbolise 'authority'. It is still a symbol derived from an ancient EMPIRE.

Why is this? Would it make it any more acceptable if we all KNEW about its meaning?

Why are so many of the worlds capitals full of symbolism from ancient empires?

If these symbols are meant to function & exist within society, how is it possible that thier meanings are not known to the majority that live and work around them?

Are Ionic columns fasces?

The Tuscan Order was the simplest of the Classical Orders . It is thought to have derived from Etruscan and early Roman temples and that, like the Doric Order, it reflects wooden construction. The most obvious distinction between the Tuscan and other orders is that the columns are never fluted but are always smooth.
THE TUSCAN ORDER

The Ionic order forms one of the three orders or organizational systems of classical architecture, the other two canonic orders being the Doric and the Corinthian. (There are two lesser orders, the stocky Tuscan order and the rich variant of Corinthian, the Composite order, added by 16th century italian architectural writers.)

The Ionic order originated in the mid-6th century B.C. in Ionia, the southwestern coastland and islands of Asia Minor settled by Ionian Greeks, where an Ionian dialect was spoken.Ionic order


The Romans from Village to Empire

Thanks to several recent publications, those who teach undergraduate Roman history surveys now have the advantage of selecting a textbook that will be best suited to their individual courses. 1 The appearance of The Romans From Village to Empire (hereafter RVE) is a welcome addition to those already available. RVE is aimed at the college educated general reader and, presumably, undergraduates. It has considerable strengths, particularly in the abundant illustrations that accompany the text, including access to online versions of almost all of the maps via an agreement with the Ancient World Mapping Center. 2 Moreover, now that the cost of textbooks seems always to be rising, the book’s $39.00 price tag should make it attractive to students.

This admirable and implicit goal of affordability has perhaps been the reason for some editorial decisions in scope and content, most notably the decision to conclude with the reign of Constantine rather than continue to the Empire’s demise in the West in the 5th century or to any number of still later turning points. The authors address this difficult choice in the Preface, arguing that political and administrative developments in the 4th and 5th centuries A.D. would have required an extensive treatment that could not be accommodated without detracting from the quality of earlier chapters. The argument is a good one, and it might be added that writing a Roman history textbook that will appeal to everyone is surely an impossible task. Each instructor will doubtless have his or her own idea of the ‘perfect’ textbook. While RVE will be less suitable for those who wish to extend coverage of the Empire into Late Antiquity, it strikes a good balance between a basic introductory textbook and a more in-depth account of Roman history and should serve well for most Roman history courses.

The book is divided into 13 chapters, with greater attention given to Early Italy and the Republic (chs. 1-8) than the Principate. The reason for this emphasis on the Republican period is that the authors of RVE have designed the book as a history of the development of the Roman state since most of Rome’s institutions and customs were products of the Republic, it is sensible that this book should take the time to stress the foundations of these institutions. Broadly speaking, the chapters are broken into manageable units of approximately 30 pages, although some of the more lavishly illustrated chapters are understandably longer. RVE proceeds chronologically, periodically inserting thematic sections either where our source material is weak in terms of historically verifiable details (such as for the Early Republic, ch. 2) or when developments in political and military history afford an opportunity to discuss the changing social and cultural climate (as in the sections on urban life in the 1st c. A.D., ch. 11). Each chapter has a section for suggested readings, which is a useful place for students to begin research in any particular area. The book’s end matter includes a Timeline, Glossary, a section on the Principal Ancient Authors, a detailed Index and a Gazetteer.

RVE’s chronological arrangement makes it readily apparent how the book proceeds. Rather than examining each chapter individually, this review offers a sampling of strengths and weaknesses of the work, divided roughly into two parts, the chapters on the Republic followed by those that deal with the Empire.

First, some general remarks. Despite being a multi-authored work, RVE maintains a consistent narrative voice throughout. The text is written in clear prose that offers a richly detailed (in some places too detailed) and comprehensive account of Roman history. The maps are excellent and frequent, as are, in general, the illustrations. There are substantive captions to accompany each illustration but relatively little connection to the text itself. The Timeline at the end of the book is divided into geographical columns that helpfully assist the reader in drawing connections to events that happen at the same time but in different regions. In terms of content, RVE offers a traditional and largely objective narrative of Roman history. This aspect has both positive and negative effects: while the narrative is free from polemical or, on the whole, controversial interpretations, it does not give readers a feel for the vigor of debate in some areas. For example, issues such as the question of Roman ‘imperialism’ in the third century B.C. receive carefully neutral treatment: in the section on the First Punic War (pp. 105-11) there is no mention of the Roman insistence that it was a defensive war, only that “the senate was divided on the issue” (105). To some extent this neutrality is remedied in the lists of suggested materials for further reading, but readers would benefit from a sentence or two in these sections that could give a sense of the major questions relevant to the chapter.

In chapters 1-8 the major focus is on the development of the institutions and politics of the Roman state. As such the treatment of the Regal period is sparse, especially on the topic of the literary or mythological accounts of the kings. Archaeological evidence and historiography are treated in chapters 1 and 2 respectively, and both discussions present a valuable account of the advantages and limitations of each class of evidence. RVE identifies the many cultural influences of the Etruscans on the development of early Rome and nicely conveys the point that, in the beginning, Rome was simply one of the numerous Latin towns. The structure of chapters 3-5 often allows for coverage of domestic affairs in the first half of each chapter, followed by an account of foreign wars in the latter part. Readers will emerge with a solid understanding of politics at Rome, since topics such as the cursus honorum, the assemblies, the concept of nobilitas and the growth of municipal elites all receive extensive treatment. Rome’s foreign wars are matter-of-factly treated, at times in meticulous detail. For example, under the rubric “Wars in Central and Northern Italy” readers are presented with the following list: “By 280, the Romans had made alliances with the Etruscan cities of Vulci, Volsinii, Rusellae, Vetulonia, Populonia, Volaterrae, and Tarquinii.” (p. 87) The point of the list is to note the different treatment that Caere received, but surely it would have sufficed to make a more generalized statement regarding the majority of Etruscan towns vel sim. None of these towns receives significant attention in the rest of the work. RVE’s treatment of the Late Republic (chs. 6-8) adequately covers the major events and topics of the 1st century B.C.: the Jugurthine War the rise of Gaius Marius Saturninus Drusus’ tribunate the Social War Sulla Spartacus the rise of Pompey and Crassus the Mithridatic Wars the Catilinarian conspiracy Caesar’s consulship and the so-called First Triumvirate Cicero Clodius Caesar’s march into Italy the Civil War and its aftermath. Still, it’s a bit of a whirlwind and some topics, such as the Catilinarian conspiracy, receive less attention — approximately two pages — than one might normally expect. The lead up to the civil war of 49-46 B.C. is framed primarily as a contest between Caesar and Pompey rather than between Caesar and the Optimate faction of the Senate.

Certain aspects of RVE’s coverage of the Republic are puzzling or problematic. Although the book is very well edited throughout, there is an unfortunate error in the name of the last king (Tarquinius Priscus for Tarquinius Superbus) on page 48. More generally, some sections seem disproportionately long at the expense of others. In chapter 3 for example one finds two full pages on the rule of Alexander the Great, apparently as a precursor to the history of Pyrrhus. There is again an overabundance of detail in the account of Roman activity in Spain the full names of no less than nine consuls from the second century are given, along with numerous tribes and geographical names in the space of about three pages (123-27). Conversely, Hannibal’s epilogue after Zama is omitted. The arrangement of two topics in particular is especially puzzling. First, Sulla’s campaign against Mithridates VI of Pontus is partially discussed in its chronological place (p. 188) but the background to the war and its ultimate outcome are delayed until the next chapter, where it receives full (and somewhat repetitive) attention (pp. 213-19). It is perhaps understandable that the outcome of the wars against Mithridates should appear with the account of Pompey’s career in the East, but the background really belongs earlier. Second, a section on ‘Roman Women’ (pp. 209-11) appears between the narrative of Pompey and Crassus’ first consulship in 70 B.C. and Pompey’s command against the pirates. Why this section should be placed here is not immediately clear. It would be much more suitable in a later chapter, especially since one third of the discussion refers to Augustus’ marriage legislation. Given the extensive quotation of the Laudatio Turiae in Box 9.1 (p. 274), a possible solution might be to group these two sections together into a separate chapter on Roman Women.

Despite these quibbles, RVE’s presentation of Republican history is thorough and impressive. The history of the Roman Empire is also handled deftly. Chapter 9 is devoted exclusively to the impact of Augustus on the institutions of the Roman state. Particularly compelling is the discussion of the Augustan Settlement (pp. 291-93). Also worthy of mention are the illustrations here, especially the high quality images of coins and various types of portraiture. Chapters 10-11 examine the Julio-Claudians, Flavians and the early reigns of the ‘Five Good Emperors’ but also include substantive sections on administrative themes (e.g., “Economic and Social Change” “Army” “Economy” “Intellectual Life” “Cities and Provinces” “Diversity: Women, Local Languages, and Culture”) and cultural activities (e.g., “Theaters and Processions” “Circuses and Chariot Racing” “The Amphitheater, and Gladiatorial Games” “State Religion and Imperial Cult”). It is here that the authors’ intention of synthesizing social and cultural history with political history (p. xxii) is most apparent, and most successful. RVE both emphasizes the development of a unified and influential Roman culture in this period and reminds the reader that the common citizen’s contact with the upper echelons of imperial society was extremely rare. The Severans, the Third Century Crisis, the Tetrarchy and the rise of Constantine comprise the final two chapters (12-13). Like the chapter on Augustus, Chapter 12 is particularly strong, offering a lively and unencumbered account of the Antonine and Severan dynasties. The narrative emphasizes the increasing ‘globalization’ of the Empire under emperors such as Caracalla and Elagabalus. Long sections on Roman Law (pp. 416-20) and Roman Citizenship (pp. 421-425) also serve to stress the spread of Roman culture throughout the Mediterranean. The real gem of this chapter is the treatment of the development of Christianity in the first two centuries of the Empire. Readers are cautioned to beware of anachronistic assumptions about Romano-Christian relations in this period and the continued connection between religion and politics is stressed. RVE’s coverage of the complicated Third Century Crisis is clear and sensible.

RVE’s treatment of the Empire is comprehensive and on the whole satisfactory. A few items, however, call for comment. Space in such an ambitious textbook is always at a premium, but it would be desirable to have representative selections from the Res Gestae in a text box to accompany the discussion. In the chapter on the Julio-Claudians, Germanicus’ wife Agrippina makes no appearance Sejanus’ wily ways receive only brief mention and the circumstances that drove Tiberius to withdraw from Rome are narrated only after the fact of his move to Capri (pp. 321-22). The eruption of Mt. Vesuvius and the importance of Pompeii and Herculaneum to our understanding of Roman urban culture is mostly relegated to the captions that accompany some of the illustrations (e.g. Figures 7.1 and 10.5). A table showing the successive Augusti and Caesares under the Tetrarchy would help to clarify the often confusing string of similar-sounding names in this period.

The book is well produced and almost error-free. In addition to the error mentioned above, I noticed only one typographical error (p. 13 women for “woman”). The italics policy is puzzling, however, and there is no readily discernable indication of how it is supposed to work. It seems that a foreign word is italicized the first time appears in a chapter, but not thereafter. But even if this is so, the policy is applied inconsistently. Thus, for example, one finds equites on page 318 and 325, but “equites” and “eques” on pp. 332-33. The italicized terms appear to be those that are listed in the Glossary a word or two that explains the policy would be helpful.

Such suggestions may increase the production costs of the book and thus detract from its value as an inexpensive but thorough treatment of Roman history it is hoped, however, that in this way an already impressive undertaking might be made an outstanding one. RVE is a solid textbook that will satisfy most instructors and provide an excellent introduction to Roman history for the general reader.

1. Some that immediately come to mind are (1) Ward, Allen M., Fritz M. Heichelheim and Cedric A. Yeo, A History of the Roman People 4th ed., (Prentice-Hall, 2003) (2) Le Glay, Marcel, Jean-Louis Voisin, and Yann Le Bohec, A History of Rome, 3rd ed., (Blackwell, 2005) (BMCR 2005.06.04) (3) Christopher S. Mackay, Ancient Rome: A Military and Political History (Cambridge, 2005) (BMCR 2005.09.45).

2. It should be noted that the URL for the maps has changed from the one given in the “Notes to the Reader” section. The old site retains a pointer to the new one, however. In addition, it is not quite true that “free digital copies of each map” are available at the website. The two topographical maps (8.4 and 9.3) of Rome do not come up in the search results.


CAESENNIUS D'ETRURIE

Individual Note

Une douzaine de cités confédérées, formant une nation, et correspondant à autant de Lucumonies formait la Ligue étrusque basée sur la dodécapole : Véies, Caeré, Tarquinia, Vulci, Volsinii novi, Clusium, Pérouse, Cortone, Arretium, Volaterrae, Vetulonia, Rusellae.

À chaque ville correspondaient autant de districts comprenant des cités plus petites, des bourgs et des villages. Chaque cité était administrée par un Lucumon, gouverneur issu de l'aristocratie. Cependant, il existait d'autres magistrats : le vocable zilath par exemple, apparaît à plusieurs reprises dans l'épigraphie et était relatif à une magistrature.

Les villes étrusques étaient nombreuses, les plus importantes étaient :

  1. au sud de la Toscane : Caeré, Tarquinii, Vulci, Veji, Volsinies, Populonia (la seule cité à être aussi un port)
  2. au centre : Clusium, Cortona, Arezzo, Pérouse, Rusellae, Vetulonia
  3. au nord : Pisae, Fiesole, Volterra et aussi, Volsinii.

Les premières villes étrusques ne présentaient pas de plan caractéristique, mais les villes plus tardives furent aménagées selon un plan orthogonal : deux axes, nord-sud (cardo) et est-ouest (decumanus) formant une intersection à partir de laquelle s'ordonnait la ville, dessinant des îlots affectés à des fonctions diverses (espace public, espace sacré, habitations). Adduction d'eau, égouts, chauffage « central », comptent parmi les inventions reprises ultérieurement par les Romains.


Contents

The origins of the Etruscans are mostly lost in prehistory, although Greek historians as early as the 5th century BC, repeatedly associated the Tyrrhenians (Tyrrhēnoi/Τυρρηνοί, Tyrsēnoi/Τυρσηνοί) as Pelasgians. Thucydides [4.109], Herodotus [6.137] and Strabo [5.2] (citing Anticlides) all denote Lemnos as settled by Pelasgians who Thucydides identifies as "belonging to the Tyrsenoi" (τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον Πελασγικόν, τῶν καὶ Λῆμνόν ποτε καὶ Ἀθήνας Τυρσηνῶν), and although both Strabo and Herodotus [1.94] agree that the migration was led by Tyrrhenus/Tyrsenos, son of Atys, king of Lydia. Strabo, [5.2] (citing Anticlides), specifies that it was the Pelasgians of Lemnos and Imbros that followed Tyrrhenus/Tyrsenos to Italy. The Lemnian Pelasgian link was further manifested by the discovery of the Lemnos Stele, whose inscriptions were written in a language which shows strong structural resemblances to the language of the Tyrrhenians (Etruscans). [9] Dionysius of Halicarnassus [1.17-19] records a Pelasgian migration from Thessaly to the Italian Peninsula noting that ". the Pelasgi made themselves masters of some of the lands belonging to the Umbri" and Herodotus [1.94] describes how the Tyrsenoi migrated from Lydia to the lands of the Umbrians (Ὀμβρικούς). Strabo [6.2] as well as the Homeric Hymn to Dionysus [7.7-8] make notable mention of the Tyrrhenians as pirates. [10] Pliny the Elder put the Etruscans in the context of the Raetic people to the north and wrote in his Natural History (79 AD): [11]

"Adjoining these the (Alpine) Noricans are the Raeti and Vindelici. All are divided into a number of states. The Raeti are believed to be people of Tuscan race driven out by the Gauls, their leader was named Raetus".

Historians have no literature and no original texts of religion or philosophy therefore, much of what is known about this civilization is derived from grave goods and tomb findings. [12] A mitochondrial DNA study of 2013 has suggested that the Etruscans were probably an indigenous population. The study extracted and typed the hypervariable region of mitochondrial DNA of fourteen individuals buried in two Etruscan necropoles, analyzing them along with other Etruscan and Medieval samples, and 4,910 contemporary individuals from the Mediterranean basin. Comparing ancient (30 Etruscans, 27 Medieval individuals) and modern DNA sequences (370 Tuscans), has suggested that the Etruscans can be considered ancestral. By further considering two Anatolian samples (35 and 123 individuals) it could estimate that the genetic links between Tuscany and Anatolia date back to at least 5,000 years ago, strongly suggesting that the Etruscan culture developed locally, and not as an immediate consequence of immigration from the Eastern Mediterranean shores. Among ancient populations, ancient Etruscans are found to be closest to a Neolithic population from Central Europe. [8] [13]

An mtDNA study of 2007 confirmed that the Etruscans were not related substantially to the Upper Paleolithic hunter-gatherer populations of Europe and that they showed no similarities to populations in the Near East. Another earlier DNA study performed in Italy, however, partly gave credence to the theory of Herodotus, as the results showed that 11 minor mitochondrial DNA lineages extracted from different Etruscan remains occur nowhere else in Europe and are shared only with Near Eastern Anatolian people. [14] Another source of genetic data on Etruscan origins has been developed by Marco Pellecchia and Paolo Ajmone-Marsan at the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart in Piacenza. Tuscany has four ancient breeds of cattle. Analyzing the mitochondrial DNA of these and seven other breeds of Italian cattle, Ajmone-Marsan found that the Tuscan breeds genetically resembled cattle of the Near East. The other Italian breeds were linked to northern Europe. [14]

The latter hypothesis gives credence to the main hypotheses, which state that the Etruscans are indigenous, probably stemming from the Villanovan culture or from the Near East. [15] Etruscan expansion was focused both to the north beyond the Apennines and into Campania. Some small towns in the 6th century BC disappeared during this time, ostensibly consumed by greater, more powerful neighbours. However, it is certain that the political structure of the Etruscan culture was similar to, albeit more aristocratic than, Magna Graecia in the south. The mining and commerce of metal, especially copper and iron, led to an enrichment of the Etruscans and to the expansion of their influence in the Italian peninsula and the western Mediterranean sea. Here their interests collided with those of the Greeks, especially in the 6th century BC, when Phoceans of Italy founded colonies along the coast of Sardinia, Spain and Corsica. This led the Etruscans to ally themselves with the Carthaginians, whose interests also collided with the Greeks. [16] [17]

Around 540 BC, the Battle of Alalia led to a new distribution of power in the western Mediterranean Sea. Though the battle had no clear winner, Carthage managed to expand its sphere of influence at the expense of the Greeks, and Etruria saw itself relegated to the northern Tyrrhenian Sea with full ownership of Corsica. From the first half of the 5th century BC, the new international political situation meant the beginning of the Etruscan decline after losing their southern provinces. In 480 BC, Etruria's ally Carthage was defeated by a coalition of Magna Graecia cities led by Syracuse. A few years later, in 474, Syracuse's tyrant Hiero defeated the Etruscans at the Battle of Cumae. Etruria's influence over the cities of Latium and Campania weakened, and it was taken over by Romans and Samnites. In the 4th century, Etruria saw a Gallic invasion end its influence over the Po valley and the Adriatic coast. Meanwhile, Rome had started annexing Etruscan cities. This led to the loss of the Northern Etruscan provinces. Etruria was conquered by Rome in the 3rd century BC. [16] [17]

Etruscan League

According to legend, there was a period between 600 BC and 500 BC in which an alliance was formed among twelve Etruscan settlements, known today as the Etruscan League, Etruscan Federation, or Dodecapoli (in Greek Δωδεκάπολις). The Etruscan League of twelve cities was founded by two Lydian noblemen: Tarchon and his brother Tyrrhenus. Tarchon lent his name to the city of Tarchna, or Tarquinnii, as it was known by the Romans. Tyrrhenus gave his name to the Tyrrhenians – the alternative name for the Etruscans. Although there is no consensus on which cities were in the league, the following list may be close to the mark: Arretium, Caisra, Clevsin, Curtun, Perusna, Pupluna, Veii, Tarchna, Vetluna, Volterra, Velzna, and Velch. Some modern authors include Rusellae. The league was mostly an economic and religious league, or a loose confederation, similar to the Greek states. During the later imperial times, when Etruria was just one of many regions controlled by Rome, the number of cities in the league increased by three. This is noted on many later grave stones from the 2nd century onwards. According to Livy, the twelve city-states met once a year at the Fanum Voltumnae at Volsinii, where a leader was chosen to represent the league. [18]

There were two other Etruscan leagues: that of Campania, the main city of which was Capua, and the Po Valley city-states in the North, which included Spina and Adria.


Nouvelle Génération

/>Etruscan art styles are relatively unfamiliar to modern readers, compared to Greek and Roman art, for a number of reasons. Etruscan art forms are classed as Archaic period , their earliest forms roughly similar in period to the Geometric period in Greece (900-700 BC). The few surviving examples of Etruscan language are written in Greek letters, and most of what we know of them are epitaphs in fact, most of what we know of Etruscan civilization at all is from funerary contexts rather than domestic or religious buildings.

Who Were the Etruscans?

An Art Chronology

Etruscan Wall Frescoes

Etruscan musicians, reproduction of a 5th century BC fresco in the Tomb of the Leopard at Tarquinia. Getty Images / Private Collection

Engraved Mirrors

Bronze Etruscan mirror depicting seated Meleager surrounded by Menelaus, Castor and Pollux. 330-320 BC. 18 cm. Museum of Archaeology, inv. 604, Florence, Italy. Getty Images / Leemage / Corbin

Processions

Etruscan terracotta neck-amphora (jar), ca. 575-550 BC, black-figure. Upper frieze, procession of centaurs lower frieze, procession of lions. The Met Mueum / Rogers Fund, 1955

Bronze Workmanship and Jewelry

Gold ring. Etruscan civilization, 6th Century BC. DEA / G. NIMATALLAH / Getty Images


Vetulonia Timeline - History

Malta&rsquos Role in the Phoenician, Greek and Etruscan Trade In the Western Mediterranean

Anthony Bonanno
Source: Melita Historica. New Series. 10(1990)3(209-224)

  1. Were they carried to Malta all the way from Phoenicia? - Proto-Corinthian and eastern Greek pottery are regularly found in coastal cities of the east. 23
  2. Were they picked up from some emporion on the way, say from Cyprus, Rhodes, or even Crete?
  3. Or did they reach Malta through a Sicilian or North African intermediary?

Acknowledgements

    Such as in S. Moscati, Il Mondo dei Fenici , Milan 1966, 241-7 id ., Tra Cartagine e Roma , Milan 1971, 41-49 id ., I Cartaginesi in Italia , Milan 1977, 285-298 id ., Italia Punica , Milan 1986, 329-342 id . et al ., The Phoenicians , Milan 1988, 206-9 A. Ciasca, &ldquoMalta&rdquo, in F. Barreca et al ., L&rsquoEspansione Fenicia nel Mediterraneo (Relazioni del Colloquio in Roma, 4-5 maggio 1970), Rome 1971, 63-75. A. Ciasca, &ldquoRicerche puniche a Malta&rdquo, in F. Barreca et al ., Ricerche Puniche nel Mediterraneo Centrale , Rome 1970, 91-108 ead . &ldquoNota sulla distribuzione di alcune ceramiche puniche maltesi&rdquo, II e Colloque International sur l&rsquoHistoire et l&rsquoArchéologie de l&rsquoAfrique du Nord, Grenoble, 5-9 avril 1983 , Bulletin Archéologique , 19 (1983) fasc. B, 17-24 A.J. Parker, &ldquoSicilia e Malta nel commercio marittimo dell&rsquoantichita&rdquo, Kokalos 22-23 (1976-77) 622-31, pls.CXXXIII-CXXXVIII G. Hölbl, Ägyptisches Kulturgut auf Malta and Gozo , Vienna 1989 See among many others, D. Baramki, Phoenicia and the Phoenicians , Beyrut 1961 J. Pairman Brown, The Lebanon and Phoenicia I, Beyrut 1969 D. Harden, The Phoenicians , Harmondsworth 1980 G. Garbini, I Fenici. Storia e Religione , Naples 1980. G. Brunnens, L&rsquoExpansion Phénicienne en Méditerranée , Bruxelles-Paris 1979 S. Moscati, Cartaginesi , Milan 1982 id ., Il Mondo Punico , Torino 1980 H.G. Niemeyer (ed.), Phönizier im Westen , Die Beiträge des Internationalen Symposiums über &ldquoDie phönizische Expansion im westlichen Mittelmeerraum&rdquo in Köln vom 24. bis 27. April 1979 , Mainz.1982, passim E. Acquaro, Cartagine: un Impero sul Mediterraneo , Rome 1978. From which is derived the Italian Cartaginesi . From which is derived the Italian Punici . Report on the Working of the Museum Department 1961, Malta 1962, 6-7, fig.5 Parker, Sicilia e Malta (n.2), 622-3. See T. Tusa, &ldquoI Fenici e i Cartaginesi&rdquo, Sikanie , Milan 1986, 577-631 id ., &ldquoLa problematica archeologica relativa alla penetrazione fenicio-punica e alla storia della civiltà punica in Sicilia&rdquo, in R. Romeo (ed.), La Storia della Sicilia I , Naples 1979, 145-61 S. Moscati, L&rsquoArte della Sicilia Punica, Milan 1987 S.F. Bondì, &ldquoPenetrazione fenicio-punica e storia della civiltà punica in Sicilia&rsquo, in R. Romeo, La Storia della Sicilia , I, Naples 1979, 163-218. Mozia VII-IX, Rome 1972-78. I. Tamburello, &ldquoPalermo punico-romana&rdquo, Kokalos 17 (1971) 81-96 ead ., &ldquoPalermo antica (III)&rdquo, Sicilia Archeologica , 38 (1978) 42-53 R. Camerata Scovazzo & G. Castellana, &ldquoNecropoli punica di Palermo&rdquo, Sicilia Archeologica 45 (1980) 43-54. P. Pelagatti, &ldquoSiracusa. Elementi dell&rsquoabitato di Ortigia nell&rsquoVIII e VII secolo a.C., Cronache di Archeologia e di Storia dell&rsquoArte , Catania, Università 17 (1978) 119-33. G. Bacci, &ldquoCeramica dell&rsquoVIII e VII secolo a.C. a Messina&rdquo, Cronache di Archeologia e di Storia dell&rsquoArte , Catania, Università 17 (1978) 100-3. This problem is treated extensively by Bondì, Penetrazione fenicio-punica (n. 8) 163-218 id ., &ldquoI Fenici in Occidente&rdquo, Modes de Contacts et Processus de Transformation dans les Sociétés Antiques (Coll. École Française de Rome 67) Pisa-Rome, 379-400 and Tusa, La problematica archeologica (n. 8) 145-61. S. Tusa, &ldquoLa statua di Mozia&rdquo, La Parola del Passato , 213 (1983) 445-56 Moscati, Arte (n. 8) 73-6. For example, L. Breglia, Le Antiche Rotte del Mediterraneo Documentate da Monete e Pesi, Rome 1966, 122, pls. II-III. J.G. Baldacchino & T.J. Dunbabin, &ldquoRock tomb at Għajn Qajjet, near Rabat, Malta&rdquo, Papers of the British School at Rome , 21 (1953) 32-41. Annual Report on the Working of the Museum Department 1926-27 , Malta 1927, 8 W. Culican, &ldquoThe repertoire of Phoenician pottery&rdquo, Phönizier im Westen , Mainz 1982, 45-82. Annual Report on the Working of the Museum Department 1916-7, Malta 1917, 9-10. Ciasca, Malta (n. l) 67-8. Baldacchino-Dunbabin, Għajn Qajjet (n.16) 37-8, fig. 6, pl. XIII G. Tore, &ldquoIntorno ad un &lsquotorciere&rsquo bronzeo di tipo cipriota da San Vero Milis (S&rsquoUraki)-Oristano&rdquo, Atti del I Convegno di Studi &ldquoUn Millennia di Relazioni fra la Sardegna e i Paesi del Mediterraneo&rdquo , Selargius-Cagliari 1985 , Cagliari 1986, 65-76. G. Hölbl, &ldquoEgyptian fertility magic within Phoenician and Punic culture&rdquo, in A. Bonanno (ed.), Archaeology and Fertility Cult in the Ancient Mediterranean , Amsterdam 1986, 202 id ., Ägytisches Kulturgut im Phönikischen and Punischen Sardinien , Leiden 1986,141, 268, 421 id ., Malta and Gozo (n.2). As they provide the basis for the dating of the associated Phoenician material and of the end of Prehistory and the beginning of Ancient History for the Maltese islands, these archaic Greek pots deserve a special note. Previously they have been assigned to the second half of the eighth century (bibl. in A. Bonanno, &ldquoThe tradition of an ancient Greek colony in Malta, Hyphen IV, 1 (1983) 15-6, nn. 84-8) mostly on datings suggested by Dunbabin (Baldacchino-Dubabin, Għajn Qajjet (n.16) 40) and accepted by W. Culican, (&ldquoAspects of Phoenician settlement in the western Mediterranean&rdquo, Abr-Nahraim 1 (1961) 48) and Ciasca ( Malta (n.1), 64). In more recent years, however, both Culican and Ciasca have lowered their date to the second half of the seventh century: see Ciasca, &ldquoInsediamenti e cultura dei Fenici a Malta&rdquo, in Niemeyer (ed.), Phönizier im Westen (n. 4) 148. As to the Proto-Corinthian skyphos from the Mtarfa tomb, experts in this field concur on a date in the first half of the seventh century B.C.: see Culican, Phoenician Pottery (n. 17), 76-8, fig. 13-4. S. Moscati, La Civiltà Mediterranea , Milan 1980, 30-5. Ciasca, Malta (n.1), 71 Moscati, Civiltà Mediterranea (n.23), 254. Missione Archeologica Italiana a Malta, Rapporto Preliminare della Campagna 1963-70, Rome 1964-71: sections on Tas-Silġ. S. Moscati, &ldquoUn avorio di Tas-Silġ&rdquo, Oriens Antiquus 9 (1970) 61-4. Id ., &ldquoUn pilastrino da Tas-Silġ&rdquo, Rivista degli Studi Orientali 39 (1964) 151-4 id ., &ldquoAlcune colonnette da Tas-Silġ&rdquo, Oriens Antiquus 5 (1966) 15-8. Ciasca, Malta (n.1), 100: &lsquostile fenicio-cipriota&rsquo. Ibid ., 100. J.D. Evans, The Prehistoric Antiquities of the Maltese Islands: a Survey , London 1971, 225-8 D.H. Trump, Skorba , London 1966, 44. Ciasca, Insediamenti e Cultura (n.22) 142. Annual Report on the Working of the Museum Department 1923-24 , Malta 1924, 23. Ciasca, Malta (n.1), 65-6, 72. G. Purpura, &ldquoSulle vicende ed il luogo di rinvenimento del cosiddetto Melqart di Selinunte&rdquo, Sicilia Archeologica 46-7 (1981) 87-93. In K. Müller, Geographi Graeci Minores I , Paris 1885 (repr. Hildesheim 1965) 89. Ciasca, Malta (n.l), 72-3. A. Bonanno, &ldquoDistribution of villas and some aspects of the Maltese economy in the Roman period&rdquo, Journal of the Faculty of Arts (University of Malta) IV, 4 (1977) 77, n.26. Ciasca, Ceramiche Puniche Maltesi (n.2), 22-3. Ciasca, Ricerche Puniche , (n.2), 101 ead ., Malta (n.1), 75. Moscati, Civiltà Mediterranea (n.23) 254. M. Gras, Trafics Tyrrhéniens Archaïques , Rome 1985, 299-300. Tore, &lsquoTorciere&rsquo Bronzeo (n.20), 65-76. B.J. Shefton, &ldquoGreeks and Greek imports in the south of the Iberian Peninsula. The archaeological evidence&rdquo, in Niemeyer (ed.), Phönizier im Westen (n.4) 337-70, fig. 2, nn. 38-45. Moscati, Il Mondo dei Fenici (n.1), 241. Ciasca, Ceramiche Puniche Maltesi (n.2), 17-24. P. Bartoloni, &ldquoUn&rsquourna punico-maltese dal canale di Sardegna&rdquo, Rivista di Studi Fenici , 9 (1981), supplemento, 1-5. Ciasca, Ceramiche Puniche Maltesi (n.2), 24, n.31. Ibid ., 23-4, n. 30. Ciasca, Ricerche Puniche , (n. 2), 102. M. Gras, &ldquoLa piraterie tyrrhénienne en mer Égée, myth ou réalité?&rdquo in L&rsquoItalie Préromaine et la Rome Républicaine , (Mélanges offerts à Jacques Huergon), Rome 1976, 341-69. J. Busuttil, &ldquoPirates in Malta&rdquo, Melita Historica V, 4 (1971) 308-10 M. Pallottino, &ldquoScrigno tarquinese con rilievi d&rsquoavorio arcaici&rdquo, Rivista dell&rsquoIstituto d&rsquoArcheologia e Storia dell&rsquoArte 5 (1935) 37ff. M. Martelli, &ldquoGli avori tardo-araici: botteghe e aree di diffusione&rdquo, in Il Commercio Etrusco Arcaico (Quaderni del Centro di Studio per l&rsquoArcheologia Etrusco-italica 9), Rome 1985, 216-23, fig. 36 Report on the Working of the Museum Department 1962, Malta 1963, 6, pl. 4. M.A. Del Chiaro, The Genucilia group: a Class of Etruscan Red-figured plates (University of California Publications in Classical Archaeology) III, 4 (1957) 284. L. Bacchielli, &ldquoUn &lsquoPiattello di Genucilia&rsquo. I rapporti di Cirene con l&rsquoItalia nella seconda metà del IV sec. a.C.&rdquo, Quaderni di Archeologia della Libia 8, Rome 1976, 99-107. Ibid ., 100, n.13.

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